C. Gasquoine Hartley opens her 1917 study with a dedication to her son, framing motherhood as "the main stream of the racial life." The book moves from insect parenthood to human society, using biological chapters to argue that maternal instinct is not fixed but shaped by conditions. Hartley then applies this to contemporary marriage, unmarried mothers, and sexual education, blending evolutionary theory with frank social critique.

From Insect Societies to Human Mothers

Hartley devotes the first third of her book to animal parenthood, examining insects, reptiles, birds, and mammals. She notes that among fishes and reptiles, fathers often care for young, while in higher animals the mother becomes primary. This comparative structure suggests that maternal instinct is not innate but evolved under specific pressures. The section on insect parenthood, for instance, describes elaborate care behaviors that challenge assumptions about natural roles. Hartley uses these examples to argue that human motherhood is similarly malleable, not a fixed biological destiny.

A Portrait of Unfit Motherhood

In a striking passage, Hartley recounts observing a woman at a seaside resort who neglected her children to play croquet and flirt. The woman admitted she did not like children, though she added conventionally, "Of course, I love my own children." Hartley calls her "strongly sensual without being passionate" and argues such women should not be mothers. This anecdote illustrates Hartley's method: using specific, observed behavior to challenge sentimental views of maternal instinct. She insists that pretending these women do not exist only worsens social problems.

Marriage, Monogamy, and the Unfit

Hartley devotes several chapters to marriage, arguing that forcing everyone into monogamy harms those unsuited for it. She writes that "one form of union can never be imposed for every one" and calls for recognizing partnerships outside marriage. The chapter on unmarried mothers argues for securing the mother's position regardless of marital status. Hartley links these issues to economic conditions and the pressure of opinion, noting that without change, prostitution and degraded partnerships will persist. The war, she observes, has increased women's independence and will cause a shortage of men, making these questions urgent.

Sexual Education and the Adolescent Girl

The final section addresses sexual education, with special attention to adolescent girls. Hartley argues that shameful concealment does not lead to true chastity and that celibacy is as harmful for women as for men. She calls for mothers to take responsibility for their children's education, emphasizing that "the environment of the infant is its mother." The book ends with practical suggestions for reform, though the excerpts do not reveal her full proposals. Hartley consistently ties individual behavior to racial health, urging women to see themselves as responsible for future generations.

Hartley's book is notable for its willingness to name uncomfortable truths—from neglected children to prostitution—and to ground its arguments in both biological evidence and personal observation. Readers should expect a work that is at once scientific and polemical, structured around the conviction that motherhood, not marriage, is the central fact of women's lives. The book's value lies less in its specific proposals than in its frank, early attempt to think systematically about sex, gender, and social reform.